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10 June 2026

When the State Clears the Path, the Community Still Owns the Ground

Arizona’s Senate has advanced a bill that would let small modular nuclear reactors be sited next to data centers and on retired coal sites across the state’s rural counties without those counties’ zoning approval. The legislation strips local supervisors of the authority to use land use rules to block the plants, and it’s written to allow a reactor to go in right next to any business with round-the-clock power demand. That’s a near-perfect description of a data center. The bill now awaits a vote in the House.


Read at face value, this is an energy story: faster power for the computing boom. We read it as something else, an entitlement story, and a cautionary one.

Here’s what most people miss. Preemption doesn’t eliminate opposition. It relocates it.

When the state removes a local government’s authority over a project, the instinct in a boardroom is to treat the fight as over. The hard permit is gone; the path is clear; build. But in 30 years of moving contested projects through hostile rooms, we’ve watched the same pattern repeat: opposition that loses its official venue does not dissolve. It migrates into channels that are slower, more expensive, and far less open to negotiation than the hearing you just skipped.


That hearing, for all its friction, was actually the cheapest place to resolve a dispute. It had rules, a record, a decision-maker, and an end date. Take it away and the energy behind the opposition has to go somewhere. Historically, it goes to four places: the courts, where a lawsuit can stall a project for years on procedural grounds that have nothing to do with the merits; the ballot, where a referendum can put your project in front of the very voters you bypassed; the adjacent permits a state law can’t preempt, water, air, road access, grid interconnection, environmental review, each of which becomes a new pressure point; and the next election, where the statute you relied on can be amended or repealed by a legislature that reads the room differently a year later.


This is the gap between legality and legitimacy. A preemption bill can hand a developer the legal right to build. It cannot manufacture the community’s sense that the project is fair, safe, and theirs to weigh in on. And legitimacy, not legality, is what determines whether a 24/7 power plant or a sprawling data campus gets built on schedule, on budget, and without the project becoming a years-long referendum on the company behind it.


The tell is already in the record. The state’s county supervisors’ association didn’t argue against the technology or even against the economic case. Their concern was about process — that energy infrastructure has historically been sited in collaboration with the residents who live next to it and the local officials they elect. That’s not a political objection. It’s the oldest lesson in our business: people will accept a great deal if they feel they were heard, and resist almost anything if they feel they weren’t. Opposition is frequently rooted in lived local experience, not ignorance, which means you cannot “educate” your way past a felt grievance. You have to engage it directly, with real answers and real people, before the concrete is poured.


So what should a developer or project sponsor actually do?

First, treat a preemption win as the opening of your community engagement window, not the closing of it. The political capital you have is highest the moment the bill passes and lowest the moment a crane shows up unannounced. Spend it on relationships, not on speed.

Second, map the veto points that survive preemption. Removing county zoning authority does not remove the courthouse, the ballot box, the interconnection queue, or the air and water permits. Build a risk map of every approval, challenge, and decision-maker that still stands between you and operation, and resource the ones that can actually stop you.

Third, engage the local board even when you no longer legally have to. A county board that feels bypassed and humiliated becomes a permanent, motivated adversary with a long memory and a public microphone. A board that feels respected, invited in, briefed early, given a real role even within the limits of the new law, is the cheapest insurance you can buy. The statute may say you don’t need their vote. Your timeline still needs their goodwill.

Fourth, build the local coalition before you need it. The people who benefit from a project are almost always quieter than the people who fear it, and they stay quiet unless you organize them. A large data center can generate tens of millions of dollars a year in local property taxes, money that funds schools, fire, police, roads, and water systems. But a number in a press release persuades no one. Connect the benefit to the specific institutions residents care about, recruit the local employers and trades who gain from construction, and identify credible local validators who will speak before the opposition fills the silence.

Fifth, get ahead of the concrete fears with specifics, not gloss. In energy siting, the recurring anxieties are predictable: safety, waste, water draw, traffic, and the long shadow of past industrial harms in the region. Vague reassurance and glossy mailers read as spin and deepen distrust. Direct, technical, locally delivered answers from people the community recognizes are what move a skeptical room.

The opportunity here is real. The demand for reliable power to support the data infrastructure the country is racing to build is not going away, and the sponsors who can pair the right energy source with the right site will have a genuine advantage. But the advantage goes to the teams who understand that clearing the legal path is step one, not the finish line. The project still has to live in a community for decades. The companies that win are the ones who start earning that welcome long before they have to.


A legislative shortcut can solve a permitting problem. It can just as easily create a legitimacy problem that costs far more than the hearing it replaced. The smartest move available to any sponsor watching this bill is to plan for both — to win in the statehouse and win in the county.

That second campaign is the one we run.

If you’re developing energy or data center projects in a market where the politics are shifting and the community response is uncertain, let’s talk about what the path actually looks like on the ground.

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